508 Article(s) by:

Sean Jacobs

Sean Jacobs, Founder-Editor of Africa is a Country, is on the faculty of The New School.

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The Belfast Connection

I recently interviewed the Northern Irish filmmaker Phil Harrison (credit: "Even Gods"), who is crowd-funding his first feature, "The Good Man," set in Ireland and South Africa.  The film tells the stories "of a young banker in Belfast and a teenager living in a Cape Town township. When their lives unexpectedly collide, their impact on one another is far greater, and more surprising, than either could have imagined." Phil, writes: "In terms of the stage we are at we have almost reached our corwdsourcing target--there's less than 50 shares left of the 400 total." If you want to support the film, by becoming a shareholder, click here. Some production notes: The actor Aiden Gillen (credits: The Wire--he played Baltimore's Mayor Carcetti-- and Game of Thrones) has signed on to play the lead. Here's our email interview: Can you tell us how you came to make the connections between South Africa and Northern Ireland which to some may not be that obvious? I'm from Belfast. In my early twenties I did what a lot of white Westerners do, and volunteered in an orphanage in South Africa's Kwazulu-Natal province, just outside the city of Pietermaritzburg.  I was struck, even at the time, by the problematic nature of 'charitable' involvement by westerners like myself, engaging with the 'problems of Africa'--oversimplification, naivete (on my part), a fundamental failure to engage with or even understand the political nature of people's lives and struggles. I was subsequently involved in various community development projects back in Ireland, and became increasingly interested in the role of creativity in protest and struggle: how people use photography, poetry, film, music to articulate ideas of identity which move away from and subvert those foisted on them - this is certainly true where I grew up, in Belfast, and I began, after doing a Masters degree in postcolonial literature and theology, to explore this in an African context.  I spent a bit of time traveling in Sub-Saharan Africa in 2007--Malawi, Tanzania, Mozambique, South Africa, Ghana--just meeting artists, writers, musicians, filmmakers, and reading the histories of the likes of Seydou Keita, Djibril Diop Mambety, Lewis Nkosi, Frantz Fanon; artists subtly (and occasionally not so subtly) playing with notions of identity and authority, and helping critically dismantle social patterns and languages of oppression.  The idea for the film came very simply: to creatively bring together the two post-conflict societies I was most familiar with/interested in and see what would come out of the engagement. You're working with the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign in Cape Town. Can you more about that collaboration and how it came about and how it works? When I first began exploring this idea, I was drawn to the organisations which make up the Poor People's Alliance in South Africa: Abahlali base Mjondolo, the Anti-Eviction Campaign, the Landless People's Movement, etcetera; organizations which represented, it seemed to me, much more of the truth of the new South Africa (in opposition to the 'Rainbow Nation' myth so easily thrown about).  I was struck, when I spent 6 weeks in the country in 2007, how little had changed since my time there almost a decade before.  Wealth seemed largely to be in the same hands, albeit with a small black elite gaining some access.  I was struck by Michael MacDonald's analysis (in 'Why Race Matters in South Africa') that what the ANC had essentially achieved was political power at the expense of economic power--in the 'transformation' wealth and capital were largely untouched, despite white fears.  But as Fanon had pointed out over thirty years prior, unless capital itself is restructured for the benefit of the many, a country has not experienced 'liberation'. The Poor People's Alliance movements seemed the most articulate voice in all of this, the most prophetic--they were hugely under-resourced, but well organized and democratic.  I moved to Cape Town in 2009 for the year and spent many months meeting with some AEC members in Gugulethu, who introduced me to many people in the area who told me their own stories and concerns.  After a few months I chatted through the idea of a feature film with the AEC team - the idea was that I would write a fictional script based on what I had learned.  Mncedisi (the chairperson) agreed to proofread the script and give a final okay, which was crucial in ensuring that the story stays true to the experiences and stories of the people I had met in the process. How do you avoid that your South African location does not become background 'décor' for a story about injustice, interchangeable with any other place? The film itself is rooted in Gugulethu, and we are employing people from the township in the crew and cast--both professional and non-professional actors, film students, etcetera.  Extras will come from the areas within Gugs [how local residents refer to the area] in which we're filming.  The stories within the narrative all reflect genuine stories and experiences I encountered there.  There is a real sense, of course, that these experiences are universal--the lack of adequate housing, the fear of crime, the failure to deliver on the promises of transformation.  Good storytelling, I feel, always walks that line, where the particular stands in for the universal--but the stories have come directly from the streets where we are filming, rather than being imposed from the outside. At the heart of the film is the question: "What does it mean to be good?"  On the film's website you've written that it "is a simple question without a simple answer." Do you think you closer to that answer? No.  If anything, the question breaks down into more questions, about language, about intention, about capitalism.  What can a phrase like 'goodness' mean in a system which is fundamentally amoral?  In the current critique of banker's greed, the bailout, etc, I think it's vital to explore the underlying rationale of 'the market'.  The 'system' is not just a set of financial and political structures, but a series of underlying assumptions, ideologies.  And as Slavoj Zizek points out, ideology is at its most powerful when it appears invisible, 'normal'.  In a small way the film is trying to wrestle with some of this stuff, albeit non-didactically and without proposing simple solutions. How does your approach break with films on and about South Africa. I detect a critique of what passes for the film industry in Cape Town and, in some senses, a South African film industry? I guess we're trying to do this at two levels.  Firstly is the story we're telling; not a rosy-hued 'rainbow nation' version of South Africa, a la 'Invictus', but one where, for very many people - maybe over half the population--transformation has not really worked.  And secondly, by involving local people/filmmakers in the actual process.  The film industry in Cape Town is still very white, and heavily indebted to the commercials industry; young, black filmmakers struggle for opportunities in this context.  It sometimes seems that to achieve anything you have to get sponsored by a sneaker brand or a beer company.  We are building a crew with young, talented filmmakers from Gugulethu/Langa etc, and aim to help everyone involved step up a level in terms of skills and experience.  We have also built a financial model to ensure that returns from the film also flow back into the places where we're filming.  10% of any return worldwide goes back to filmmakers/artists/activists in the townships. Irish investors--more from south of the border--are heavily involved in the construction of luxury apartments in Cape Town and in changing the city, making it glitzy but also more unequal? How does that play into your script? Are people in Belfast or Dublin even aware of the Irish presence in South Africa? I would say most people are unaware of the Irish construction presence in South Africa.  And that presence is wide-ranging, from Habitat-style building projects which are actually spoken of very highly by many people I came across, to the high-end glitzy hotel-type development projects.  The presence of western companies in South Africa is something the film explores, though I'm not going to give away just how.  But it is a clearly a vital component of how we are connected - how the money from my savings or bank account in Belfast impacts communities thousands of miles away, often in surprising and problematic ways. * Images: Courtesy of Phil Harrison.

Batsumi's cascade of sound

By Dan Magaziner* http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CslrKtKe16k South Africa’s 1970s are rightly remembered as a time of rising militancy. From the universities to the docks to the schools–the decade saw the rise of Black Consciousness and Steve Biko’s calls for a radical reorientation of black culture towards the struggle for political and mental liberation. We curate our memorials to that decade with raised right fists and confrontations between uniformed students and uniformed police. But by choosing to title his column in the SASO Newsletter, “I Write What I Like,” Biko called above all else for unapologetically creative responses to the tensions of the moment. Black South Africans answered this call in a variety of ways, some stridently political, others defiantly original. Oswald Mtshali, Mongane Wally Serote and others answered his call in words; Dan Rakgoathe, Winston Saoli, Louis Maqhubela and others on canvas. Batsumi answered with a cascade of sound. Founded in Soweto in 1972, in 1974 Batsumi recorded an album that will be re-released later this week by Matsuli Music. The music is stunning, from the moment the album opens with Zulu Bidi’s searching bass, and expands to include horns, flute, what sounds like a didgeridoo, drums, voices and Johnny Mothopeng’s guitar.  This is the past, reaching out to the present to remind us that we still don’t understand. Today Biko and Black Consciousness’s legacy as a political movement is contested and debated, invoked across the political spectrum and twisted to fit present-day concerns. But Batsumi is closer to the truth of that moment. This music doesn’t preach, it doesn’t declaim, it doesn’t sloganize – but it also doesn’t offer flee from the radical demands of its present. Indeed, although these tracks are not stridently political they are by no means escapist fare, suitable for shuffling dance steps at late night shebeens. Take the third track, "Mamshanyana." It opens with Mothopeng’s acoustic guitar, the spare, patient twang of which could not be more different than the township jazz sounds we associate with this time period. (The amazing quality of this remaster is most apparent here, incidentally – you can literally hear the subtle reverb of the strings.) Drums, bass and organ, join, come together, voices crest, flute and sax echo. As it builds, it swings, coalescing into a uniquely compelling statement of intent. By the time and sax and flute solo over organ, bass and drums, Batsumi has got you. And that’s precisely the point. They have you nodding along in the same way that people respond to an accurate rendering of some richly remembered past. (Albeit with considerably more rhythm than that which attends to most story-telling.) It’s fairly easy to see Batsumi in your minds eye – the township practice sessions, the clothes, the conversations – at the risk of cliché, you can practically smell the incense. But when they start to blow, or jam, or pound or chant, there’s an abandon that demands our attention – the compulsion to express oneself, at a time when self-expression was radical and political in and of itself. Batsumi didn’t need to respond to protests or apartheid or Bantu Education to be revolutionary. It just was, without ideology or partisan squabbling, no program necessary. That Johnny Mothopeng was the son of imprisoned PAC president Zephania Mothopeng is incidental; he played a mean guitar. His band played what they liked and what they played kicked ass. This was black consciousness, this was the 1970s. This was revolution. The album can be previewed and pre-ordered here. * Dan Magaziner, an assistant professor of history at Yale University, is the author of The Law and the Prophets, an intellectual history of South Africa between 1968 and 1977. The US edition can be ordered here; the South African edition here.

Ingerland, Ingerland, Ingerland

Late last month the English goalkeeper David James wrote in The Observer that he was surprised at the accusations of racism against his national teammate John Terry. The latter was accused of racially abusing an opponent, QPR player Anton Ferdinand. James also claimed racism has been rooted out of the game a long time ago.  James suggested that racism was now limited to a small number of fans.  However, since James wrote that, fans tweeting have abused Newcastle striker Sammy Ameobi ("your hand is nearly the same colour. #nigger" as the black soccer cleats favored by Ameobi), Anton Ferdinand again ("RT this you fucking BLACK CUNT, 1 England captain" with reference to Terry) and Frazier Campbell of Sunderland ("big fucking nigger"). Police are investigating. Only in the Ameobi case has there been arrests. UPDATE: Sepp Blatter has also now weighed in. Bulgarian fans are racist.

Demba Ba

Demba Ba has a habit of falling to his knees post-goal and praying. Via FIFA.com:

Premier League matches without defeat represents Newcastle United’s longest unbeaten run in the English top flight since 1951. The surprise sequence has taken the Magpies up to third, with over six months having now passed since they last tasted league defeat. The star of their unlikely rise has been Demba Ba, who has already become the first Newcastle player since Andy Cole to score multiple league hat-tricks in a single season – a feat that not even Alan Shearer managed during his time on Tyneside. The Senegalese striker has proved to be one of the Premier League’s most prolific predators since moving to West Ham United from Hoffenheim last season, accruing 15 goals in 18 starts for his two English clubs.

See also Goal.com on Ba announcing his intention to play for Senegal in the 2012 African Nations Cup in Equatorial Guinea and Gabon from January 21st to February 12th, much to the dismay of his club, their fans and the Newcastle sports media.

"You're a South African, what's your story?"

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Qrtm5kwpXrQ New Zealand is often sold to prospective (mostly white) South African immigrants as "South Africa 30 years ago" (wink, wink). That version of an Edenic idyll is not entirely what a young South African found New Zealand to be recently in a local version of Occupy Wall Street in Dunedin. In a scene captured by amateur video (which made the rounds last week on the internets), an angry drunk protesting the protesters threatens to break down tents and generally makes a nuisance of himself. One of the vocal protesters--our equality-and-justice-minded South African immigrant--leads a chant against the intruder, and then decides to reason with the drunk. "You're a South African ... What's your story?" asks the drunk. Perhaps he is appealing to some kind of shared kinship: privilege, siding with capital or power, or disdain for protesters. Saffers and Kiwis. Maybe, the drunk New Zealander is just confused about why a white South African would be protesting capitalism's evils, when one of the finest versions of all that capitalism engineers was what the South African republic was founded upon. Or maybe he's wondering why so many white South Africans seek refuge in what the man deems to be his country, and now, wants to protest ...what? Whatever. See what happens next as the young South African gets to feel what it might be like to be a real squatter, living at the margin of the mercy of state, authority, wealthy people and the scorn of your fellows. For his courage, we hope our young protestor is fine. Also here.

Music Break. Fatima Al Qadiri

http://youtu.be/hKosaf5tmpI Senegal-born, Kuwait-raised musician and artist Fatima Al Qadiri just premiered her new EP, "Genre-Specific Xperience," in New York. The project consists of 5 songs each with corresponding video. Above is "Vatican Vibes" which features "Gregorian trance." As Jody Graf writes in Clustermag, Al Qadiri's introduction to Gregorian trance "... came in the passenger seat of her cousin’s car as they drove through a desert of burning oil fields towards the Kuwaiti border." The "violent conflation of apocalypse and heaven" that she witnessed is also reflected in "the dark-Catholic-videogame aesthetic" of the accompanying "Vatican Vibes" video. H/T: Boima

Mapo do mundo

Remember the Mapping Stereotypes Project and the Afrographique project? (The former maps popular national stereotypes from around the world, while the latter turns any set of data about the continent into a graphic, including a series of maps.) A reader of this blog points us towards this "map" of stereotypes that's been circulating online among Brazilians. Here's a translation for those who don't speak Portuguese. Canada: polar bears USA: fat people Central America: Pirates of the Caribbean South America: llamas, stash, humble people, us (Brazil) Greenland: Wally's house Europe: mustache, pasta, money Africa: The Clone (Brazilian telenovela), desert, kuduro, "I like to move it" (Madagascar, the movie) Middle East: Mohamed Central Asia: bin Laden China: many people and a lot of rice India: cows South East Asia: Rambo Japan: weird people Australia: weird animals * Thanks to Tom for the translation.

Omar Sy, French movie icon

By Abdourahman Waberi Released only a week ago, 'Intouchables' the film (by Eric Toledano & Olivier Nakache, France, length: 1h52min) is having the most amazing success in France since Harry Potter hit. Supported by a duo of fantastic actors: François Cluzet playing Philippe (a while billionnaire paralyzed in a wheelchair) and Omar Sy as Driss (his young out-of-the banlieue black help).  Here's a link to the trailer (in French). More than 2.5 millions viewers have already hailed that sweet and sour comedy. Omar Sy (with his stand up comedy partner Fred) has was discovered by the Canal Plus cable channel, just like the actor and humorist Jamel Debbouze. Omar Sy, Jamel Debbouze, rapper La Fouine and Chelsea striker Nicolas Anelka all have one thing in common: they were born and raised at Trappes, a poor city not far from Versailles. Big Omar (he's 6.3 feet and even richer in talent and funnier ) is rumoured to get a César Award for Best Actor in February 2012. And France will surely boast of at least one Black movie icon. Photo Credit: Prakash Topsy.

Music Break. Friday Bonus Edition, N°1

Girl Power is big among female West African pop singers.  Or so recent music videos suggest. We've featured Goldie Harvey and Lousika (Ghana) here before. Now here's two more. First up is Ghanaian Efya with "Sexy Sassy Wahala," from the soundtrack of 10-part Ghanaian movie "Adams Apple": http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tBAhn1ngHKs Next up is Nigerian singer Zara Gretti: http://youtu.be/Fyf3LFZBiKo Related: Jogyo, one half of whom is from Gabon: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NZFuLYnBPjo Unrelated: The Congolese-American (is there a meme here?) Hugo Million is building a following back in the DRC, while mixing party and political music (not unusual to Congolese artistes, of course). Here, from a few months ago, is "Benga Nzambe," which takes a political tone and which is appropriate given the volatile climate around elections in the DRC now: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qbFpPvHAYuM Finally, some French rap "made in Normandy!" HVJ du Coeff & Jeune Karn with "Les égouts de l'underground': http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cgtRBFjeK4Q H/T: Okayafrica, What's Up Africa, Tom Devriendt

David Cameron's gay rights

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lYhEkB0AOQs Fresh from insulting British women, Prime Minister David Cameron is now endangering the lives of gay people in Africa. Appearing on the BBC (with presenter Andrew Marr; they make quite a team) Cameron threatened to cut aid to governments of “countries that persecute homosexuals” unless they stop punishing people in same-sex relationships. Apart from the patronizing tone (also pointed out by What's Up Africa earlier today), the threat can only end badly as African rights activists warn in a statement:

These threats follow similar decisions that have been taken by a number of other donor countries against countries such as Uganda and Malawi. While the intention may well be to protect the rights of LGBTI people on the continent, the decision to cut aid disregards the role of the LGBTI and broader social justice movement on the continent and creates the real risk of a serious backlash against LGBTI people.

H/T: What's Up Africa, Nerina Penzhorn

Good doses of pan-Africanism

Since it first came out last year I've had Nas and Damian Marley's concept album Distant Relatives on repeat. There are some lapses on the album, but I really like the track "The Promised Land." Basically Marley and Nas updates Dennis Brown to big up Africa. http://youtu.be/xjoCnCaynCM   Nas doesn't make much sense, but Damian Marley stays true to Brown's sentiments:

Imagine Ghana like California with Sunset Boulevard Imagine Ghana like California with Sunset Boulevard Johannesburg would be Miami Somalia like New York With the most pretty light The nuffest pretty car Ever New Year the African Times Square lock-off Imagine Lagos like Las Vegas The Ballers dem a Ball Angola like Atlanta A pure plane take off Bush Gardens inna Mali Chicago inna Chad Magic Kingdom inna Egypt Philadelphia in Sudan The Congo like Colorado Fort Knox inna Gabon People living in Morocco like the state of Oregon Algeria warmer than Arizona bring your sun lotion Early morning class of Yoga on the beach in Senegal Ethiopia the capitol of fi di Congression ...

Okay, I know, what with "Magic Kingdom inna Egypt"? Or maybe that's deliberate going by the video for another track "Patience." (That video is something to behold with its mix of Egyptology, "The Never Ending Story," Indiana Jones, Shaka Zulu, and "Coming to America" references.) And why model African cities and countries only after the highly unequal glitz of North America?  But we'll forgive them those lapses. To the Promised Land.

    Wikipedia and oral knowledge

    Verifiability and no original research are two core content policies for contributors to Wikipedia.  You need to back entries with citations from print sources. What does that policy mean for societies with rich, oral knowledge cultures. Achal Prabhala, a Wikimedia fellow and a member of the Foundation's advisory board, and some of his colleagues in South Africa and India, have other ideas for that policy.Check out the film, "People are Knowledge (directed by Priya Sen and Zen Marie): http://vimeo.com/26469276

    Music Break. Bonus Friday Edition, N°0

    Last week we brought you the serious side of Burkina rapper Mokobe.  In this hilarious video he makes proper use of a beat made famous by 50 Cent: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0IL6QcqTAZk Belgian hipsters: Magic Mirror's "Show man": http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KewAkO4VJ9M Cities Aviv's "Araw." The guest rapper is Royal T. Yeh, they're hipsters too. http://vimeo.com/27362648 What's it with Nigerians and derivative R&B? This is 2Face, basically the national face of the genre. (I suppose there are rewards: you have to endure American TV chat show hosts.) [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9GT-CiEuw94&600&h=367] Finally, if you still don't know what's Azonto about: http://youtu.be/GTUIlOudlHI H/T:

    Music Break. Dengue Fever

    http://youtu.be/5Lgy1p6mdVg A lot of music we like don't come from Africa. Like this one from Dengue Fever, the California-Cambodia combo: an Indonesian protest song "Gendjer Gendjer."

    ... [T]he song was originally written during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia during World World II when food was so scarce that people resorted to eating Gendjer, a weed that grew in rice fields. The song re-surfaced in the 1960s in Indonesia when there was a violent military coup and government crackdown on communists and ordinary citizens--a period of political turmoil dramatized in the movie, "The Year of Living Dangerously." "Anyone caught listening to or singing 'Gendjer Gendjer' was considered an enemy of the government ..."